all of us who would have remained silent had stability and order been secured.” Noam Chomsky, US intellectual, 1969“I understand that there has been, and continues to be, opposition to the war in Vietnam on the campuses and also in the nation.
As far as this kind of activity is concerned, we expect it – however under no circumstances will I be affected whatever by it.” Richard Nixon, US president, November 1969“They weren’t… I never considered the people of Vietnam or Cambodia or Laos to be my enemy.
Day, addressing an anti-war rally, April 1971“The US government was defeated in Indochina but only bruised at home.
No outside power will compel us to face the record honestly…
“Public opinion at home [in the United States] turned when the average citizen perceived that we didn’t know what the hell we were doing; that we had no plan to end the war. By 1968 the public had given us four years, their money and their sons. I do blame the national leadership, including the military leadership, for not setting clear and definable goals and objectives.” Harry Summers, US colonel, later a historian of the Vietnam War“We cannot remain silent on Vietnam.
We should remember that whatever victory there may be possible, it will have a racial stigma…It mattered whether the new countries established communist or non-communist governments.Vietnam’s history offers a case study of decolonization in action.And I believe that the men who designed these, the men who designed the free fire zone, the men who ordered us, the men who signed off the air raid strike areas, I think these men, by the letter of the law, the same letter of the law that tried Lieutenant [William] Calley, are war criminals.” John Kerry, US soldier and anti-war campaigner, April 1971“I believe there is something in all of us that would wave a flag for the dream of an America that brings medicine and candy – but we are gathered here today, waving no flags, in the ruins of that dream.Some of you saw right away the evil of what was going on [in Vietnam]; others of us one by one, adding and re-adding the balance sheet of what was happening and what could possibly be accomplished finally saw that no goal could be so laudable, or defence so necessary, as to justify what we have visited upon the people of Indochina.” Reverend Jackson H.We went to defend the Vietnamese people and our testimony will show that we are committing genocide against them.We went to fight for freedom and our testimony will show that we have turned Vietnam into a series of concentration camps.” William Crandell, US lieutenant and Vietnam veteran, January 1971“I committed the same kind of atrocities as thousands of other soldiers have committed in that I took part in shootings in free fire zones. I used 50-caliber machine guns, which we were granted and ordered to use, which were our only weapon against people. Should we trace it back to the 1940s when President Harry Truman authorized U. Eisenhower’s “domino theory,” the idea that if one country in Southeast Asia fell to the communists, the entire region would fall, and the ripple effects would be felt throughout the Asia-Pacific world, informed not only his thinking about U. relations with the region but the policymaking of his successors, John F. The global context is also important because Cold War tensions between the U. Did it begin in the 1950s when the Geneva Accords divided Vietnam in two and President Dwight Eisenhower offered U. aid to help establish a non-communist nation in the southern half to counter the communist north? Kennedy asserted that Americans would “pay any price, bear any burden” to support democratic nation building as a way to counter communist advances in Asia. S.-Vietnam relations and the Vietnam War did not occur in a vacuum.I believed in peace…and so they treated me like a friend…We really got to be brothers.” Robert Sam Anson, US journalist captured by the North Vietnamese, 1970“We went to preserve the peace and our testimony will show that we have set all of Indochina aflame.